D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)


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Bonés Tony Loren

The same topos is also structural to Antonio de S. Already by the second folio —that is, even before the depiction of Ourique— S.

Elmo de batalha de Dom Sebastião, Rei de Portugal

This can be seen in the following original visual composition Fig. Figure 2. One aspect of the mythification of Afonso Henriques drew directly on the association between the wounds he received at the Battle of Ourique, where he defeated five Muslim kings, and the coat of arms of Portugal Rosa, ff. The alliance between these spiritual and temporal powers Franciscans and the Kingdom of Portugal was the pillar for the future coming of the reign of Christ.

These parallels were particularly inspiring since Saint Francis was also considered the Angel of the Sixth Seal of the Apocalypse, the one who would bring together the Old and New Testaments, according to Ubertino di Casale in his Arbor Vitae a book also transcribed in the Franciscan Chronica of Marcos de Lisboa. For S. Thiago —like for Paulo da Trindade in his Conquista Espiritual do Oriente— these strong links between the Portuguese monarchy and the Franciscans were very explicit.

Saint Anthony had been the first Portuguese overseas missionary, but also a representative although S. Furthermore, the friars of Piedade had been intensively protected and supported by the Braganza family, and a hermitage dedicated to the Miracle of Ourique had already been built by Duke D.

ORIGEM E EVOLUÇÃO DO MITO SEBASTIANISTA

This hermitage was offered to the Franciscan friars, rendering material the links between Afonso Henriques, the Braganzas and the Franciscans. Since these Indian contexts are important variables which may have affected the writing of the treatise, a brief examination of his life is necessary before advancing further with my hypothesis. According to Deos, he was virtuous and patient, pious and courageous, but not intellectually gifted. Pedro had already substituted his brother in the Portuguese government. Jacinto de Deos and the friars of Mother of God were by this time strong supporters of the new political situation.

In , while still a lay person, S. Thiago began to work for the king as a soldier, and was due to marry a Portuguese woman living in Goa. We do not know whether these two men crossed paths at any point; but we can say that both —as with other prophets, visionaries and even false Sebastians— shared the same space of early seventeenth-century Goa.


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We do not know exactly why S. Thiago decided to become a Franciscan instead of marrying his betrothed. From until , when he died, S. Thiago remained in Goa, but he also travelled for some years to Chaul, in India, as well as to Malacca, in the eponymous strait connecting the Indian and Chinese worlds. After arriving in Lisbon in , S.

Thiago was imprisoned in the Convent of Saint Francis of Lisbon, which belonged to the Province of Portugal, the most important Franciscan province at the time. He was later released with help from his brother, who had inherited the office of clerk of House of India from his father, and of the legate Antonio Albergati. In Madrid he was again prosecuted by Franciscan authorities, and the same happened in Rome.

These tensions were certainly provoked by the fact that only a Province could send a Procurator to Rome, and the institutional status of the Franciscans of Mother of God of Goa was still under dispute Xavier, b. Helped by an old acquaintance from Goa, a consistorial lawyer, he was released for the third time. While fighting for the definitive recognition of the Custody of the Mother of God of Goa as an autonomous Province, S. Thiago was arrested again. Bernardino, the latter of whom would later write in support of the Braganza dynasty, too. Thiago returned to Lisbon, embarking on his way back to Goa on the ship of Viceroy D.

Miguel de Noronha, Count of Linhares. He arrived in While in Goa, S. He stayed there for around four years, eventually returning to Goa in We have no information about the period between and , but we know that in he was a Guardian of the Convent of the Mother of God of Goa, and later Provincial, also bearing the status of a preacher In the s, S. Thiago became General Commissioner of the Franciscans in India, and he died in , one year after finishing the treatise. Furthermore, after being prosecuted and exiled, S.

Autres titres intéressants

But he was also a cosmopolitan man, born in Lisbon, and then travelling to India living first in Goa and Chaul , then back to Europe where he stayed in Lisbon, Madrid and Rome and travelled through France , then back to India, then to Malacca, and then back to India once again. All of these experiences and journeys, and the social and cultural interactions that came with them, had an instrumental effect in the formation of S. Thiago felt the need to leave a written statement. In his case this was not about the order as it was for Paulo da Trindade , but about contemporary politics as Jacinto de Deos would also later do with his Brachilogia de Principes [], dedicated to Prince D.

Pedro [Lisbon: Miguel Deslandes, ]. Like Jacinto de Deos, S. Thiago also appears to have been interested in the web of relationships between local and imperial politics. It is clear from what he writes about the status of the elites and general public in Goa that an important goal was to push Goa back up the list of priorities for the new Portuguese dynasty.

The vocabulary S.

História de Portugal, volume 1, por Oliveira Martins

Castro, an Indian Brahman educated in the Franciscan order, had, like S. Did S. Thiago and Castro meet there? Did they share their thoughts about other Franciscans, or about the Portuguese presence in India? Was S. The eclectic range of topics covered in the treatise is a sign of the breadth and depth of the literature to which S.

Thiago had access. He combined these readings with other sources, such as conversations taking place in Goa at the time, stories he had been told, and manuscript treatises which were carefully circulated within a circle of interested people these treatises included Sebastianist and other prophetic books. What is not yet clear is how S. Thiago used local Indian sources. The presence of, and interaction with, sages and scholars from a range of intellectual traditions was important in the forging of their millenarism and deeply connected to their politics.

One of the strategies followed by Mughal rulers to forge their sacred kingship was to engage in intense activity with the Indian cultural world, namely combining traditional Indian myths with Islamic narratives and establishing parallels between the avatars of Indian Gods namely Krishna and Rama and Muhammad himself Moin, Iconography was one of the instruments used to spread these ideas. Symbolic elements, coming from the worlds of astrology, geomancy and dream interpretation, were used to convey this message.

Espagne et Portugal

Parallel processes were going on in the Rajput principalities and Deccan sultanates, which were by no means unaware of what was happening in the Mughal Empire. Inter-cultural exchange was intense. As well as the differences which can be identified in this rich world of Indian painting, there were also many common elements, namely the way in which drawings and paintings were frames, frequently ornately decorated using plant motifs for a general view, see Michell, ; Michell and Zebrowski, ; Haidar and Sardar, I now attempt to identify the ways in which this Indian visual world is depicted in S.

Recent literature has demonstrated that the territories of Goa, part of the Western Deccan territories of India, were also at the crossroads of intense processes of social and cultural exchange. However, Goan life took place beyond the financial and economic elites who had close relations with the Portuguese government in Goa.

The first refers to the year when Krishnadas Shama, of the village of Keloshi in Salcete, finished his history of Krishna, Krishna charitra katha. This was some time before those territories were annexed by the Portuguese that happened in The second refers to the Goan version of the Sahyadri Khanda , a narrative which Goans claimed was part of the Skanda Purana , the classical purana which described the foundation of Goan lands. Providentialist topics structured both texts, and traces of providentialist political imagination can also be identified in the Goan version of the Ramayana , in which some episodes explained that the territories had been chosen by Rama an avatar of the Indian god Vishnu as his homeplace.

The synchrony between these Indian and Portuguese providentialist languages is striking. Were there any connections between both? Or were these two parallel languages, without any contact?

D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)
D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition) D. Sebastião, o desejado (lenda portuguesa) (Portuguese Edition)

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